a mesa de luz

Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Monday, July 21, 2014

e

das oito às oito, a grande velocidade.

Sunday, July 20, 2014

Saturday, July 19, 2014

também

não sou nada bruta: onze receitas. e hotdogs para quem não gostar de nenhuma.
(o gelado - amendoim, com a inspiração da mercearia - já está, portanto são doze / faltou-me o plaintain pumpkin curry, treze)

os tiramisini da nigella são yes! yes!
and. and. and. and  za'atar. strawberry juice. pineapple juice. the star. roasted cherry tomatoes.
and. mas espumante doce e gasosa.
and. and. and.


(nota: não pensar que o vatapá fica de jeito sem camarões secos)

curiosidades

President Vladimir Putin said that Russia would not support any efforts to cut off financial assistance to the Palestinians, stating that Hamas gained power by democratic means. He invited some Hamas leaders to Moscow beginning of March 2006, and in May, repeated that cutting funds to the Hamas was a "mistake".

In 1993, in the Oslo Accords, Israel acknowledged the PLO negotiating team as "representing the Palestinian people", in return for the PLO recognizing Israel's right to exist in peace, acceptance of UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, and its rejection of "violence and terrorism".[22] As a result, in 1994 the PLO established the Palestinian National Authority (PNA or PA) territorial administration, that exercises some governmental functions[iii] in parts of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

In 2007, the Hamas takeover of Gaza Strip politically and territorially divided the Palestinians, with Abbas's Fatah left largely ruling the West Bank and recognized internationally as the official Palestinian Authority,[25] while Hamas has secured its control over the Gaza Strip.

On 29 November 2012, in a 138-9 vote (with 41 abstentions and 5 absences),[27] the United Nations General Assembly passed resolution 67/19, upgrading Palestine from an "observer entity" to a "non-member observer state" within the United Nations system, which was described as de facto recognition of PLO's sovereignty.[13][14][28][29][30] Palestine's new status is equivalent to that of the Holy See; similarly, Switzerland was a non-member observer state for more than 50 years (until 2002).[31] The UN has permitted Palestine to title its representative office to the UN as "The Permanent Observer Mission of the State of Palestine to the United Nations",[32] and Palestine has instructed its diplomats to officially represent "The State of Palestine"—no longer the Palestinian National Authority.

Split of the Fatah and Hamas Main articles: Hamas-Fatah conflict and Governance of the Gaza Strip In 2007, after Hamas's legislative victories, the Fatah and Hamas engaged into a violent conflict, taking place mainly in the Gaza Strip, leading to effective collapse of the Palestinian national unity government. After the takeover in Gaza by Hamas on 14 June 2007, Palestinian Authority Chairman Abbas dismissed the Hamas-led government and appointed Salam Fayyad as Prime Minister. Though the new government's authority is claimed to extend to all Palestinian territories, in effect it became limited to the West Bank, as Hamas hasn't recognized the move and continued to rule the Gaza Strip. While PNA budget comes mainly from various aid programs and support of the Arab League, the Hamas Government in Gaza became dependent mainly on Iran until the eruption of the Arab Spring.
(...)
Supplies and cash for Hamas have been pledged from all over the world, not merely from Iran, On Jan. 3, Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz donated $8 million of the more than $26.7 million raised in a national fundraising telethon for the “Relief of the Palestinian People in Gaza.” Qatar, which pledged $50 million when Hamas was elected in 2006, promised to send more.

While condemning Israel, the European Union pledged more than $4 million in “humanitarian aid” to Gaza. In 2008, it provided Gaza with $55.6 million. In addition, European Union member states pledged more than $41 million, including $10.5 million from the British government’s Department for International Development. Japan pledged $10 million, and terror-struck India said it would send $1 million. Norway has announced a pledge of about $4.5 million, while Australia is adding $3.5 million in addition to the $32 million it gave in 2008. Additionally, other countries sent tons of medical and humanitarian supplies. This more than meets the UNRWA emergency appeal for $34 million.

Incredibly, Israel also supplies Hamas with cash. It began transferring truckloads of cash to Gaza after Hamas’ violent takeover of the territory in June 2007. The first transfer of more than $51 million (delivered in Israeli shekels) was purportedly to strengthen the influence of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in the Gaza Strip and pay the salaries of 35,000 Palestinian Authority employees then allegedly loyal to him. Among those employees, however, were Ismail Haniya, the Hamas-appointed prime minister in Gaza, and Mahmoud Zahar, Hamas’ foreign minister.


- -
o primeiro-ministro do Estado Palestiniano é Rami Hamdallah, com um curriculo... invejável. mas que governa apenas o West Bank.

Rami Hamdallah (Arabic: رامي حمدالله‎; born in 10 August 1958) is a Palestinian politician and academic. He is the Palestinian prime minister and the president of An-Najah National University in Nablus.

Rami Hamdallah was born in Anabta in the northern West Bank on 10 August 1958.[9] He graduated from the University of Jordan in 1980 and received his MA from the University of Manchester in 1982. Hamdallah completed a PhD in linguistics at Lancaster University in 1988.

Hamdallah, widely known as Abu Walid ('Father of Walid', after one of his deceased children) is a professor at An-Najah National University, where he was hired in 1982 as English instructor. He was appointed president of the university in 1998. During his 15 years' term, he tripled the student enrollment, which now numbers 20,000 students on 4 campuses. He also opened a 400 bed teaching hospital. He served as the secretary general of Palestinian Central Elections Commission from 2002 to 2013.[10] He was the commission's deputy chairman in 2011.[3][11] He sworn in as prime minister on 6 June 2013[12] and replaced Salam Fayyad in the post.



- -
Khaled Mashal é o líder do Hamas .

Mashal was born in Silwad, a village north of Ramallah, in 1956.[2] He attended Silwad Elementary School until the 1967 Six-Day War. His father moved the family to Kuwait afterwards for financial reasons. Mashal joined the Muslim Brotherhood in 1971.[1] Mashal earned a bachelor of science degree in Physics from Kuwait University.

Mashal was a teacher in Kuwait from 1978 to 1984. He was married in 1980 and is the father of three daughters and four sons.

In 1983, the Palestinian Islamic movement convened an internal, closed conference in an Arab state, which included delegates from the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Palestinian refugees from various Arab states. It was an important milestone as it laid the foundation for the creation of Hamas. Mashal was part of the leadership of the project to build a Palestinian Islamic movement from its inception.

After 1984, he devoted himself to the project on a full-time basis. Mashal lived in Kuwait until the 1991 Gulf War. When Iraq invaded Kuwait, then moved to Jordan and began working directly with Hamas.

 He has been a member of Hamas' Political Bureau since its inception and became its chairman in 1996.

In February 2012, as the Syrian civil war progressed, Meshal left Syria and returned to Qatar.[17] Hamas distanced itself from the Syrian regime and shut down its offices in Damascus. Soon after, Mashal announced his support for the Syrian opposition, prompting Syrian state TV to issue a "withering attack" on him.[18] During this time he operated both in Doha and Cairo.



- -

o líder de Gaza é Ismail Haniyeh, do Hamas

Haniyeh was born in the Al-Shati refugee camp in the Egyptian-occupied Gaza Strip. His parents became refugees, after they fled their homes near what is now Ashkelon, Israel during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War.[2] He attended United Nations-run schools and in 1987, graduated from the Islamic University of Gaza with a degree in Arabic literature.[3][2] While at university he had became involved with Hamas.[2] From 1985 to 1986 he was head of the students' council representing the Muslim Brotherhood.[3] He also played as a midfielder in the Islamic Association football team.[3] He graduated at about the same time as the First Intifada against the Israeli occupation started in the Gaza Strip.[2] He participated in protests and was given a short prison sentence by Israeli authorities.[2] He was detained by Israel again in 1988 and imprisoned for six months.[2] In 1989, he was imprisoned for three years.[2] Following his release in 1992, Israel deported him to Lebanon with senior Hamas leaders Abdel-Aziz al-Rantissi, Mahmoud Zahhar and 400 other activists.[2] The activists stayed at Marj al-Zahour in Southern Lebanon for over a year where according to the BBC, Hamas "received unprecedented media exposure and became known throughout the world".[2] A year later, he returned to Gaza and was appointed as Dean of the Islamic University.


more here.

Friday, July 18, 2014

terra do choco





hmm

é possível o afogamento em procedimentos? parece-me que sim.
(ah que horas vai acabar o dia de hoje? mas não sei.)

paisagem com barcos

um sítio onde já fui semi-feliz


Thursday, July 17, 2014

daniel richter

que dia terrível.

ui

agora é que já 'merdáste', ó putin. (israel agradece)

as esferas shakespeareanas

o amor como a amizade são lugares estranhos e inesperados, jogos de probabilidades quânticas.

(e não é que sei de três pessoas, bom, seis, que casaram inesperadamente nas últimas duas semanas? que bonito sentimento)

--

postulados do meu pontificado: qualquer coisa que faças, está errado. qualquer coisa que alguém pense, incluindo tu, está ou estará errado. és igual a qualquer outra pessoa. a originalidade no mundo é extremamente baixa, quase nula, mesmo. qualquer erva da beira da estrada é menos nociva do que qualquer ser humano, com ínfimas excepções. o meu gato, apesar de ver não sei quantas menos cores do que eu, vê muito melhor do que eu. cheirar então nem há qualquer tipo de comparação. ser pacifista clarifica e simplifica o mundo de forma abismal. não beber nem fumar simplifica a vida. as crianças são infinitamente mais sábias e melhores do que qualquer adulto, com ínfimas excepções. a esquerda e a direita não existem, os deuses não existem, o paraíso não existe nem os duendes, a não ser na literatura.

única certeza: quero ir, ir.


[até sou capaz de substituir o kick and run por isto]

Wednesday, July 16, 2014

oh yeah

price isn't cost

(price is a sham)

boas notícias linkedin

11% da minha network encontraram um emprego.

a ideia mais

romântica que já ouvi: ele que lhe escreve cartas regularmente durante anos sem que ela responda.


done, i guess


Tuesday, July 15, 2014

era preciso

ser muito copiona e copiar a ideia da Mercearia Criativa: gelado de amendoim (o deles é de alcagóita, o meu é mesmo de amendoim com crunch). yum. seguindo a inspiração, haverá de alfarroba, de rosa. eucalipto? ultrapassa-me... de poejo, ou de manjericão, lúcia-lima, ginja, julgo que sim. ice gourmet.

82º!

perspectivas (Arab silence)

os palestinianos estão aborrecidos com os árabes que consideram traidores. não com o resto do mundo, como pensei, mas com os árabes que não os apoiam. culpam-nos até de fornecer o petróleo que abastece os aviões que os bombardeiam. vêem falta de solidariedade. não são só eles, mas muçulmanos por todo o mundo.


Arab silence paving way to Gaza



Arab Silence, na faca






os pedidos foram ouvidos: Arab response.

and the defense idea:




as vítimas

naming the victims




(famílias que procuram abrigo nas escolas da UN em Gaza)

é com essas mulheres que me identifico.

heroes?

Ambulance workers brave Gaza dangers


quais são as probabilidades

de um autor notável ser bem tratado pela coisa editorial portuguesa? parece-me que muito baixas.
aqui estão 4 livros, o outro é da Verbo.


 
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por falar em probabilidades: o universo é regulado por elas, move-se por elas. é a mecânica por detrás da pele galáctica.

um pouco de 'Who Owns Auschwitz?'

"I don't think that this question is inevitably posed on the basis of dishonest motives. Rather, it expresses a natural longing, and the survivors, indeed, long for nothing else. Nonetheless, the decades have taught me that the only passable route to liberation leads us through memory. But there are various ways of remembering. The artist hopes that, through a precise description, leading him once more along the pathways of death, he will finally break through to the noblest kind of liberation, to a catharsis in which he can perhaps allow his reader to partake as well. But how many such works have come into being during the last century? I can count on ten fingers the number of writers who have produced truly great literature of world importance out of the experience of the Holocaust. We seldom meet with the likes of a Paul Celan, a Tadeusz Borowski, a Primo Levi, a Jean Améry, a Ruth Klüger, a Claude Lanzmann, or a Miklós Radóti.

More and more often, the Holocaust is stolen from its guardians and made into cheap consumer goods. Or else it is institutionalized, and around it is built a moral-political ritual, complete with a new and often phony language. Certain words come to be compelled by public discourse, and almost automatically set off the Holocaust-reflex in the listener or the reader. In every way possible and impossible, the Holocaust is rendered alien to human beings. The survivor is taught how he has to think about what he has experienced, regardless of whether or to what extent this "thinking-about" is consistent with his real experiences. The authentic witness is or will soon be perceived as being in the way, and will have to be shoved aside like the obstacle he is. The words of Améry prove their truth: "We, the victims, will appear as the truly incorrigible, irreconcilable ones, as the anti-historical reactionaries in the exact sense of the word, and in the end it will seem like a technical mishap that some of us still survived."

A Holocaust conformism has arisen, along with a Holocaust sentimentalism, a Holocaust canon, and a system of Holocaust taboos together with the ceremonial discourse that goes with it; Holocaust products for Holocaust consumers have been developed. Auschwitz-lies have appeared, and the figure of the Auschwitz con-man has come into being. Over the course of time we have come to know of one Holocaust guru, inundated with prizes for his achievements in literature and human rights, who gave first-hand reports of his indescribable experiences as a three- or four-year-old in the Majdanek extermination camp -- until it was determined that between 1941 and 1945 he hadn't left his bourgeois Swiss family's house, except perhaps to take a healthy stroll or sitting in his baby carriage. Meanwhile, we dwell in the midst of Spielberg's saurian kitsch and with the absurd chatter emerging from the fruitless discussions over the Berlin Holocaust monument. The time will come when Berliners -- along with foreigners who end up in Berlin, of course (above all, I imagine groups of assiduous Japanese tourists)--will stroll, sunk in peripatetic reflection and surrounded by the roar of Berlin traffic, through the Holocaust Park, complete with playground, while Spielberg's 48,239th interview-partner whispers -- or howls?--his own individual story of suffering in their ears."

Imre Kertész
some more here.

 
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